Text in which the author presents and defends his ideas and opinions, based on the interpretation of facts and data.Walter Fanganiello Maierovitch is a career judge.He retired as a judge at the São Paulo Court of Justice.As a judge, he specialized in the constitutional-procedural area and in criminal and penitentiary law.He has published numerous articles and in the field of criminal law he has dedicated himself to the topic of transnational organized crime.For his collaboration with Italy on the topic of mafia crime, he received the commendation of Cavaliere della Repubblica from the President of the Republic Oscar Luigi Scalfaro and from the premier Romano Prodi.In the Judiciary, he was electoral judge and judge of the Regional Electoral Court based in São Paulo.He was the first national secretary for the phenomenon of illicit drugs with the office of the Presidency of the Republic: government Fernando Henrique Cardoso.As an expert and observer, he served on the United Nations Special Assembly for the Conventions on Prohibited Drugs.He also acted and assisted in the work of the United Nations Convention against Transnational Crime (Palermo Convention).Bachelor of Laws from the University of São Paulo, class of 1971. He is professor emeritus of criminal law and criminal procedural law.He was on the Board of Directors of Escola Paulista da Magistratura and, as a guest, teaches classes at the Escola Superior do Ministério Público de São Paulo.For ten years he dedicated himself, as a teacher, to preparation courses for admission to the Judiciary and the Public Ministry.He has three books published.His last work was just released (May 2021) by Editora Unesp.Title: Mafia, Power and Antimafia is a personal look at a long and bloody history.He has been a weekly columnist for Carta Capital magazine, from 2001 to 2017. He has been a commentator on the Justice and Citizenship section of Rádio CBN since 2002. He has been Brazil's representative to OAS-CICAD, UN-UNDCP and the European Union in relation to illicit drugs and crime: FHC government."The devil hides in the details", says a popular grandfather, known around the world.Volodymyr Zelensky, — President of Ukraine and protagonists of the resistance against the invading Russian military forces — went into the details.I am referring to the videoconference speech given —today and in the afternoon— at the United Nations Security Council.Zelensky began by calling for Russia's veto power to be lifted.Under the Charter of the United Nations, also known as the UN Statute, there is the power of veto.It is reserved for the five states with a lifetime seat on the Security Council: Russia, the US, China, France and the UK.The statute is dated June 26, 1945 and in it, at the time, the power of veto was established.A veto is enough for any proposal or complaint to succeed.The other ten board members have no veto power.They do not have permanent chairs.They have a two-year term.The UN secretary general does not whistle in imposing terms either, as he has a seat, attends and does not vote.Sometimes he has a voice, I never vote.Therefore, and as the Romans said when Rome was the "Capi Mondo" (capital of the world), the voice of those who do not rule is a "flatus vocis" (weak voice).Russia, despite being an active part in the conflict, imitates, in its votes, the STF ministers Gilmar Mendes and Dias Tóffoli, that is, it never considers itself impeded or suspected of partiality.In second place, Zelensky was more forceful.He reminded participants that the UN Charter sets the goal of achieving peace.Although Zelensky did not mention it, the United Nations Charter states, in all letters and in all languages, that it is the responsibility of the organization to investigate any controversy or situation leading to international friction.As if Article 24 of the aforementioned Charter were not enough, the UN Security Council says that "main responsibility is the maintenance of international peace and security".The third point of Zelensky's demonstration, seen on screen in a military-style shirt and shave, was appealing.As they say in football language, he played for the crowd.For the Ukrainian president, the Security Council should, as in the past, set up an ad hoc Nuremberg-style tribunal to try Putin and his generals.Zelensky pretended to forget that the ICC (International Criminal Court), created by the 1998 Rome Convention, is an evolution.Not to have more military courts, like the ones in Nuremberg and Tokyo.The TPI, as highlighted in my column yesterday (4), is already on the move.The Public Prosecutor's Office with the ICC leads a wide investigation.And Russia accepted the jurisdiction of the ICC, unlike, for example, the US, Israel, China, Turkey, the Philippines and Sri Lanka.Discussions in the Security Council started heavy.The Russians deny it and attribute the massacres of civilians, including murders and rapes, to militias of Nazi Ukrainians.Perhaps, at dawn or tomorrow (6), the Russian representative will present the films that he claims to have and to show, as announced by Ambassador Vasily Nebensco, montages made by the Ukrainians.The Russian agency Tass, white plate, informed the internal public of the existence of these videos.Even the Security Council seats - before the opening of the session - were already aware of the new European Union sanctions.There will be total suppression in the purchase of coal that the Russian oligarchs handle on the international market.Furthermore, four other Russian banks, used by the government, were excluded from the Swift telematics system of financial clearings.Representatives of the member states of the Security Council, on their cell phones, knew that the photo of a Ukrainian minor had gone viral.Her mother marked her name and message cell in ink, all because she feared the child's death.A post shared by Sasha Makoviy (@aleksandra.mako)On a quick cloth.There is Russian veto power and China, to the rescue, will be able to veto first.But there is, on the planet, the power of indignation, of repulsion to Putin, with his war crimes, against humanity, of invasion of a sovereign state and genocide.** This text does not necessarily reflect the opinion of UOLID: {{comments.info.id}} URL: {{comments.info.url}}Please try again later.It is not possible to post new comments.Only subscribers can read and commentNot a subscriber yet?Subscribe now.If you are already a UOL subscriber, log in.The author of the message, not UOL, is responsible for the comment.Read the terms of use